未来的人权与人力

在q群里看到一个很有趣的想法:


我们必须意识到观念和意识系统也是投资品

目的是产出更多的暴力产品

过去平等主义的胜利不是伦理的胜利,而是效率的胜利

平等主义的背后是总体战动员对常备军的胜利

然而,现在的趋势是相反的

常备军远强于一般动员

我们现在所享有的平等主义意识形态

只是一种依靠惯性维持的幻觉

下一次战争,暴露出大众其实已经是蝼蚁

那他们的生活水平也就会()

世界大战的胜负取决于自动化工厂(×)

在各国的军事力量都是冲着一波流去的

攻击能力极强

恢复能力极差

如果不爆发战争,那可能会有其他的可能性()

比如产生一个空前繁荣的艺术家阶层

确实,当今世界的主题是和平。所以在战争未爆发时,人力是国力的基础。各国所做的一切,都是为了在战争爆发前,多积累一些国力。为此,在科技、经济上面的竞争无所不用其极。而为了保持竞争优势,就必须确立人力的优势。

美国在这方面有先天的优势。但对中国的封锁导致中国人才的回流。双方差距在逐渐缩小。但中国仍有长足距离要走。因为高素质人才必然需求政治权利。而政治权利的缺失,以及大量愚民的存在,让国家高素质人才想要落跑。

不确定性与长期投资

我总觉得生育率低下的原因是不确定性。

中国人是很需要确定性的。而现在这个社会,又偏偏很难提供确定性。

年轻人怕无聊;中年人怕失业;小业主怕政策变化;大老板怕被人垂涎;政客,政客怕的只怕更多。

而所有这些恐惧又都是不透明的。

青年人想着生命中的另一半。要去哪里找到他/她,他/她是不是我的“100%”?如果有一天,他/她不喜欢我,我不喜欢他/她了怎么办?

中年人想着到底怎样才能有一份稳定的工作,不会在35岁上被裁员?就算不会裁员,公司会不会倒闭,行业会不会变化?

小业主想着怎样才能保住现在的财产,如何投资增值,会不会有税务政策变化,相关法规会不会变?

大老板想着自己会不会引人觊觎。想着没有人的发迹史是干净的。想着会不会有一天半夜有人敲门,从此人间蒸发。

然后所有人都怕老,怕死。

扛着所有这些恐惧去生育的,我们说他们有底气,说他们有勇气。但我们没说出来的,是他们对这些风险一无所知。

因为一无所知,所以无所畏惧。

—-

前天有个朋友抱怨,他在玩的城市经营模拟,工业区必须少建学校。因为受教育程度高了,就没人愿意当产业工人。而又必须有足够的小学,因为没有小学,就没有足够的受过基础教育的工人。

所以,国家应该也很头疼吧。用教育产业化,推高了高等教育的人口比例。大学宽进宽出,受高等教育的人越来越多。 越来越多的人眼界大开了,想法多样了。有了温饱,就想着安全,想着被需要,想着自我实现。生育这种降低生活品质的事情,除非是想从孩童的存在寻找自己的存在感,否则怎么想都插不进马斯洛的金字塔里。

于是就是不断降低的生育意愿。

所有的阶级矛盾,贫富矛盾,男女矛盾,都是正常人在面对风险时的自我保护。因为不确定,所以先保住自己。因为要保住自己,所以吝啬于对他人的付出。因为吝啬,所以不会相信。因为不会相信,所以不会前进,因为不会前进,所以保守主义又占了上风。

—-

为什么社会会前进?社会会前进,是有人当了基石。有人牺牲了自己,让其他人觉得社会会前进。为什么有人愿意牺牲自己当基石,你可以说Ta有信念,有爱。也可以说Ta愚昧,狂热,不知道这个世界的广大和自由。

但不管怎样,这样的人现在不存在了。我不是,你不是。我们举目四望,没有人是。

所以我们觉得未来不确定。何止不确定,简直下一秒就要崩溃。在一个下一秒就可能崩溃的社会中,你要做什么?你不能做任何长期计划,你只能拼命攫取,权利,财富,生存资源。不管用什么办法,坑蒙拐骗也好,要死要活也好,你必须抓点什么在手上,才能对抗这不确定性。

—-

当巨轮转动时,所有人都只想着从车辙里逃开,就不会有人去螳臂当车。当我们不相信有人会自我牺牲时,就不会有人去牺牲。没有人牺牲,社会就不会前进。就变成巨大的毒气室。这毒气不是从头顶来,而是从每个人的身体中来。

这就是我一直在说的,头顶铁罩头,脚底冷冰冰。所有人一边咬牙,一边放屁。

最后,就是所有人在这个高压锅里炖成一锅烂肉。

但未来真的那么可怕,那么不确定,那么不值得我们去做长期的投资吗?我不觉得。

Crisis of Confidence

Jimmy Carter delivered this televised speech on July 15, 1979.

Good evening. This is a special night for me. Exactly three years ago, on July 15, 1976, I accepted the nomination of my party to run for president of the United States.

I promised you a president who is not isolated from the people, who feels your pain, and who shares your dreams and who draws his strength and his wisdom from you.

During the past three years I’ve spoken to you on many occasions about national concerns, the energy crisis, reorganizing the government, our nation’s economy, and issues of war and especially peace. But over those years the subjects of the speeches, the talks, and the press conferences have become increasingly narrow, focused more and more on what the isolated world of Washington thinks is important. Gradually, you’ve heard more and more about what the government thinks or what the government should be doing and less and less about our nation’s hopes, our dreams, and our vision of the future.

Ten days ago I had planned to speak to you again about a very important subject — energy. For the fifth time I would have described the urgency of the problem and laid out a series of legislative recommendations to the Congress. But as I was preparing to speak, I began to ask myself the same question that I now know has been troubling many of you. Why have we not been able to get together as a nation to resolve our serious energy problem?

It’s clear that the true problems of our Nation are much deeper — deeper than gasoline lines or energy shortages, deeper even than inflation or recession. And I realize more than ever that as president I need your help. So I decided to reach out and listen to the voices of America.

I invited to Camp David people from almost every segment of our society — business and labor, teachers and preachers, governors, mayors, and private citizens. And then I left Camp David to listen to other Americans, men and women like you.

It has been an extraordinary ten days, and I want to share with you what I’ve heard. First of all, I got a lot of personal advice. Let me quote a few of the typical comments that I wrote down.

This from a southern governor: “Mr. President, you are not leading this nation — you’re just managing the government.”

“You don’t see the people enough any more.”

“Some of your Cabinet members don’t seem loyal. There is not enough discipline among your disciples.”

“Don’t talk to us about politics or the mechanics of government, but about an understanding of our common good.”

“Mr. President, we’re in trouble. Talk to us about blood and sweat and tears.”

“If you lead, Mr. President, we will follow.”

Many people talked about themselves and about the condition of our nation.

This from a young woman in Pennsylvania: “I feel so far from government. I feel like ordinary people are excluded from political power.”

And this from a young Chicano: “Some of us have suffered from recession all our lives.”

“Some people have wasted energy, but others haven’t had anything to waste.”

And this from a religious leader: “No material shortage can touch the important things like God’s love for us or our love for one another.”

And I like this one particularly from a black woman who happens to be the mayor of a small Mississippi town: “The big-shots are not the only ones who are important. Remember, you can’t sell anything on Wall Street unless someone digs it up somewhere else first.”

This kind of summarized a lot of other statements: “Mr. President, we are confronted with a moral and a spiritual crisis.”

Several of our discussions were on energy, and I have a notebook full of comments and advice. I’ll read just a few.

“We can’t go on consuming 40 percent more energy than we produce. When we import oil we are also importing inflation plus unemployment.”

“We’ve got to use what we have. The Middle East has only five percent of the world’s energy, but the United States has 24 percent.”

And this is one of the most vivid statements: “Our neck is stretched over the fence and OPEC has a knife.”

“There will be other cartels and other shortages. American wisdom and courage right now can set a path to follow in the future.”

This was a good one: “Be bold, Mr. President. We may make mistakes, but we are ready to experiment.”

And this one from a labor leader got to the heart of it: “The real issue is freedom. We must deal with the energy problem on a war footing.”

And the last that I’ll read: “When we enter the moral equivalent of war, Mr. President, don’t issue us BB guns.”

These ten days confirmed my belief in the decency and the strength and the wisdom of the American people, but it also bore out some of my long-standing concerns about our nation’s underlying problems.

I know, of course, being president, that government actions and legislation can be very important. That’s why I’ve worked hard to put my campaign promises into law — and I have to admit, with just mixed success. But after listening to the American people I have been reminded again that all the legislation in the world can’t fix what’s wrong with America. So, I want to speak to you first tonight about a subject even more serious than energy or inflation. I want to talk to you right now about a fundamental threat to American democracy.

I do not mean our political and civil liberties. They will endure. And I do not refer to the outward strength of America, a nation that is at peace tonight everywhere in the world, with unmatched economic power and military might.

The threat is nearly invisible in ordinary ways. It is a crisis of confidence. It is a crisis that strikes at the very heart and soul and spirit of our national will. We can see this crisis in the growing doubt about the meaning of our own lives and in the loss of a unity of purpose for our nation.

The erosion of our confidence in the future is threatening to destroy the social and the political fabric of America.

The confidence that we have always had as a people is not simply some romantic dream or a proverb in a dusty book that we read just on the Fourth of July.

It is the idea which founded our nation and has guided our development as a people. Confidence in the future has supported everything else — public institutions and private enterprise, our own families, and the very Constitution of the United States. Confidence has defined our course and has served as a link between generations. We’ve always believed in something called progress. We’ve always had a faith that the days of our children would be better than our own.

Our people are losing that faith, not only in government itself but in the ability as citizens to serve as the ultimate rulers and shapers of our democracy. As a people we know our past and we are proud of it. Our progress has been part of the living history of America, even the world. We always believed that we were part of a great movement of humanity itself called democracy, involved in the search for freedom, and that belief has always strengthened us in our purpose. But just as we are losing our confidence in the future, we are also beginning to close the door on our past.

In a nation that was proud of hard work, strong families, close-knit communities, and our faith in God, too many of us now tend to worship self-indulgence and consumption. Human identity is no longer defined by what one does, but by what one owns. But we’ve discovered that owning things and consuming things does not satisfy our longing for meaning. We’ve learned that piling up material goods cannot fill the emptiness of lives which have no confidence or purpose.

The symptoms of this crisis of the American spirit are all around us. For the first time in the history of our country a majority of our people believe that the next five years will be worse than the past five years. Two-thirds of our people do not even vote. The productivity of American workers is actually dropping, and the willingness of Americans to save for the future has fallen below that of all other people in the Western world.

As you know, there is a growing disrespect for government and for churches and for schools, the news media, and other institutions. This is not a message of happiness or reassurance, but it is the truth and it is a warning.

These changes did not happen overnight. They’ve come upon us gradually over the last generation, years that were filled with shocks and tragedy.

We were sure that ours was a nation of the ballot, not the bullet, until the murders of John Kennedy and Robert Kennedy and Martin Luther King Jr. We were taught that our armies were always invincible and our causes were always just, only to suffer the agony of Vietnam. We respected the presidency as a place of honor until the shock of Watergate.

We remember when the phrase “sound as a dollar” was an expression of absolute dependability, until ten years of inflation began to shrink our dollar and our savings. We believed that our nation’s resources were limitless until 1973, when we had to face a growing dependence on foreign oil.

These wounds are still very deep. They have never been healed. Looking for a way out of this crisis, our people have turned to the Federal government and found it isolated from the mainstream of our nation’s life. Washington, D.C., has become an island. The gap between our citizens and our government has never been so wide. The people are looking for honest answers, not easy answers; clear leadership, not false claims and evasiveness and politics as usual.

What you see too often in Washington and elsewhere around the country is a system of government that seems incapable of action. You see a Congress twisted and pulled in every direction by hundreds of well-financed and powerful special interests. You see every extreme position defended to the last vote, almost to the last breath by one unyielding group or another. You often see a balanced and a fair approach that demands sacrifice, a little sacrifice from everyone, abandoned like an orphan without support and without friends.

Often you see paralysis and stagnation and drift. You don’t like it, and neither do I. What can we do?

First of all, we must face the truth, and then we can change our course. We simply must have faith in each other, faith in our ability to govern ourselves, and faith in the future of this nation. Restoring that faith and that confidence to America is now the most important task we face. It is a true challenge of this generation of Americans.

One of the visitors to Camp David last week put it this way: “We’ve got to stop crying and start sweating, stop talking and start walking, stop cursing and start praying. The strength we need will not come from the White House, but from every house in America.”

We know the strength of America. We are strong. We can regain our unity. We can regain our confidence. We are the heirs of generations who survived threats much more powerful and awesome than those that challenge us now. Our fathers and mothers were strong men and women who shaped a new society during the Great Depression, who fought world wars, and who carved out a new charter of peace for the world.

We ourselves are the same Americans who just ten years ago put a man on the Moon. We are the generation that dedicated our society to the pursuit of human rights and equality. And we are the generation that will win the war on the energy problem and in that process rebuild the unity and confidence of America.

We are at a turning point in our history. There are two paths to choose. One is a path I’ve warned about tonight, the path that leads to fragmentation and self-interest. Down that road lies a mistaken idea of freedom, the right to grasp for ourselves some advantage over others. That path would be one of constant conflict between narrow interests ending in chaos and immobility. It is a certain route to failure.

All the traditions of our past, all the lessons of our heritage, all the promises of our future point to another path, the path of common purpose and the restoration of American values. That path leads to true freedom for our nation and ourselves. We can take the first steps down that path as we begin to solve our energy problem.

Energy will be the immediate test of our ability to unite this nation, and it can also be the standard around which we rally. On the battlefield of energy we can win for our nation a new confidence, and we can seize control again of our common destiny.

In little more than two decades we’ve gone from a position of energy independence to one in which almost half the oil we use comes from foreign countries, at prices that are going through the roof. Our excessive dependence on OPEC has already taken a tremendous toll on our economy and our people. This is the direct cause of the long lines which have made millions of you spend aggravating hours waiting for gasoline. It’s a cause of the increased inflation and unemployment that we now face. This intolerable dependence on foreign oil threatens our economic independence and the very security of our nation. The energy crisis is real. It is worldwide. It is a clear and present danger to our nation. These are facts and we simply must face them.

What I have to say to you now about energy is simple and vitally important.

Point one: I am tonight setting a clear goal for the energy policy of the United States. Beginning this moment, this nation will never use more foreign oil than we did in 1977 — never. From now on, every new addition to our demand for energy will be met from our own production and our own conservation. The generation-long growth in our dependence on foreign oil will be stopped dead in its tracks right now and then reversed as we move through the 1980s, for I am tonight setting the further goal of cutting our dependence on foreign oil by one-half by the end of the next decade — a saving of over 4-1/2 million barrels of imported oil per day.

Point two: To ensure that we meet these targets, I will use my presidential authority to set import quotas. I’m announcing tonight that for 1979 and 1980, I will forbid the entry into this country of one drop of foreign oil more than these goals allow. These quotas will ensure a reduction in imports even below the ambitious levels we set at the recent Tokyo summit.

Point three: To give us energy security, I am asking for the most massive peacetime commitment of funds and resources in our nation’s history to develop America’s own alternative sources of fuel — from coal, from oil shale, from plant products for gasohol, from unconventional gas, from the sun.

I propose the creation of an energy security corporation to lead this effort to replace 2-1/2 million barrels of imported oil per day by 1990. The corporation I will issue up to $5 billion in energy bonds, and I especially want them to be in small denominations so that average Americans can invest directly in America’s energy security.

Just as a similar synthetic rubber corporation helped us win World War II, so will we mobilize American determination and ability to win the energy war. Moreover, I will soon submit legislation to Congress calling for the creation of this nation’s first solar bank, which will help us achieve the crucial goal of 20 percent of our energy coming from solar power by the year 2000.

These efforts will cost money, a lot of money, and that is why Congress must enact the windfall profits tax without delay. It will be money well spent. Unlike the billions of dollars that we ship to foreign countries to pay for foreign oil, these funds will be paid by Americans to Americans. These funds will go to fight, not to increase, inflation and unemployment.

Point four: I’m asking Congress to mandate, to require as a matter of law, that our nation’s utility companies cut their massive use of oil by 50 percent within the next decade and switch to other fuels, especially coal, our most abundant energy source.

Point five: To make absolutely certain that nothing stands in the way of achieving these goals, I will urge Congress to create an energy mobilization board which, like the War Production Board in World War II, will have the responsibility and authority to cut through the red tape, the delays, and the endless roadblocks to completing key energy projects.

We will protect our environment. But when this nation critically needs a refinery or a pipeline, we will build it.

Point six: I’m proposing a bold conservation program to involve every state, county, and city and every average American in our energy battle. This effort will permit you to build conservation into your homes and your lives at a cost you can afford.

I ask Congress to give me authority for mandatory conservation and for standby gasoline rationing. To further conserve energy, I’m proposing tonight an extra $10 billion over the next decade to strengthen our public transportation systems. And I’m asking you for your good and for your nation’s security to take no unnecessary trips, to use carpools or public transportation whenever you can, to park your car one extra day per week, to obey the speed limit, and to set your thermostats to save fuel. Every act of energy conservation like this is more than just common sense — I tell you it is an act of patriotism.

Our nation must be fair to the poorest among us, so we will increase aid to needy Americans to cope with rising energy prices. We often think of conservation only in terms of sacrifice. In fact, it is the most painless and immediate way of rebuilding our nation’s strength. Every gallon of oil each one of us saves is a new form of production. It gives us more freedom, more confidence, that much more control over our own lives.

So, the solution of our energy crisis can also help us to conquer the crisis of the spirit in our country. It can rekindle our sense of unity, our confidence in the future, and give our nation and all of us individually a new sense of purpose.

You know we can do it. We have the natural resources. We have more oil in our shale alone than several Saudi Arabias. We have more coal than any nation on Earth. We have the world’s highest level of technology. We have the most skilled work force, with innovative genius, and I firmly believe that we have the national will to win this war.

I do not promise you that this struggle for freedom will be easy. I do not promise a quick way out of our nation’s problems, when the truth is that the only way out is an all-out effort. What I do promise you is that I will lead our fight, and I will enforce fairness in our struggle, and I will ensure honesty. And above all, I will act. We can manage the short-term shortages more effectively and we will, but there are no short-term solutions to our long-range problems. There is simply no way to avoid sacrifice.

Twelve hours from now I will speak again in Kansas City, to expand and to explain further our energy program. Just as the search for solutions to our energy shortages has now led us to a new awareness of our Nation’s deeper problems, so our willingness to work for those solutions in energy can strengthen us to attack those deeper problems.

I will continue to travel this country, to hear the people of America. You can help me to develop a national agenda for the 1980s. I will listen and I will act. We will act together. These were the promises I made three years ago, and I intend to keep them.

Little by little we can and we must rebuild our confidence. We can spend until we empty our treasuries, and we may summon all the wonders of science. But we can succeed only if we tap our greatest resources — America’s people, America’s values, and America’s confidence.

I have seen the strength of America in the inexhaustible resources of our people. In the days to come, let us renew that strength in the struggle for an energy secure nation.

In closing, let me say this: I will do my best, but I will not do it alone. Let your voice be heard. Whenever you have a chance, say something good about our country. With God’s help and for the sake of our nation, it is time for us to join hands in America. Let us commit ourselves together to a rebirth of the American spirit. Working together with our common faith we cannot fail.

Thank you and good night.

倦怠感

最近有点倦怠。
工作也是。创作也是。
仿佛激情燃尽。
但仔细想来,并没有激情燃尽这一说。
就是自己未能专注于工作。
逃避工作。
逃避创造时必然经受的挫折。
不能这样子。
要沉下心来,要正面上!

2021

虽然已经到了新年,但还是来得及为过去的一年做个总结的。不是吗?
2020年,一直在打魔兽。虽然是打着怀旧的名号,但花的时间远远多于15年前。
15年前不过一个账号,还是经常afk。15年后,竟然有4个满级号,并且都是8T2。粗算算,已经是几千个小时铺下去了。就好像十五年前,就因为算下来二千多小时,已经接近一个本科的课时量,才下定决心放弃了游戏。而现在呢?相当于过去的一年间,几乎每天都打了6个小时。于是,理所当然的没有写任何东西。不但没有写,还把一切归咎于专心开发游戏。
要知耻啊!知耻啊!
如果不是在年底把游戏卖了个好价钱,这一年真的是荒废了。幸好游戏卖掉了。虽然还没有落袋为安。但已经可以稍微安心。感觉过去的三年都有了报偿。
在年底的测试中,感受到玩家的热切期待,以及未能满足玩家的无力感。还是得继续努力。不但制作出更多的内容。在数值和感受的微调上,更多的注意玩家的反馈。不断从玩家提出的问题中,找到答案。理解他们想要的,并给他们制造真正的游戏感。

过去的两年的元旦,都深陷于无力感中。又不得不鼓励自己负重前行。不停不停的让自己放下杂念,闭上眼睛往前走。不但自己往前走,还要带动团队一起往前走。在跨年时写的东西,也都是些自我的期许。从未如今日这般落在实处。
原先看那些脚踏实地的人,有种隐隐的酸气。觉得他们只看眼前的路,看不到头顶的天空。
而现在自己终于找到落脚点了,才觉得埋头苦干才是真的。
游戏可以少玩。不切实际的幻想可以少搞。
还是踏踏实实的创造出良好的体验是真的。
不管是小说、游戏,还是人与人之间的关系。
这就是对2021的期许。

月球家族

刚看完月球家族的第二本。
这本书呈现出令人惊讶的精巧结构和美妙叙述。
同时又让我感到绝望。
这么好的一本科幻,却无法在国内的科幻市场上引起任何波澜。
我觉得我写不出这么好的科幻。
这是需要大量的时间,精力。丰富的想象力和热情才能写出的东西。
这样的作品才有改编的价值。
而我写不出来。
我已经没有了这样的精力和热情了。
知道这一点,让我感到悲哀。
而这本书无法在国内的出版市场上获得应有的重视,也是让我很失望的一点。
这么好的作品,无法凭借其品质唤起阅读的浪潮。说明国内的科幻市场不但在萎缩。还在庸俗化。
可能只有等这本书的改编权被买下。同名的科幻剧开拍。大家才会意识到这本书的价值,重新把它捧上神坛。
但现在,只能如此了。